Occupy Everywhere

Posted on November 27th, 2011 in Climage Change,Culture,Economy,Education,Politics by Robert Miller

OWS Transition?

For an update on the status of the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement and perhaps learn something about where it is going, you can visit last Friday’s  Democracy Now with Amy Goodman, where excerpts from a panel discussion can be viewed. The panel discussion was sponsored by The Nation and held in the New School University in New York City, with the title “”Occupy Everywhere: On the New Politics and Possibilities of the Movement Against Corporate Power.” The participants include film maker Michael Moore, author Rinki Sen, Patrick Bruner (“veteran” OWS organizer), economic journalist William Greider and author Naomi Klein, with moderator Richard Kim. The video consists of excerpts from the discussion of what the movement has accomplished, where it is headed, what it needs to do for future growth and what needs it must fulfill if the bright promise they have aroused, that of changing the world, can gain any more traction. To begin with of course, the latter issue is not trivial and no one comes close to seriously expressing the magnitude of the problem. But so far, the incremental  steps that have been taken, such as the “99 percent” deeply resonate with all ages, and have created thirst for action that is more than just “occupy.”   Historians often express the view that the historical record of public arousal and activism against social injustice are not directly related to hard times per se, but emerge when the narrative that kept people down runs out of explanatory power. When hard times first come, people think they have to double down and work harder to get by (or maybe in the case of many Americans, they align themselves more clearly with God and religion–it’s their fault for not being a better provider–their faith hasn’t been strong enough to be rewarded by God) and finally, when multiple iterations of this strategy have failed, groups are formed that begin to articulate a better vision of tomorrow and coalesce into a more nationally identifiable  movement. That is what the OWS movement has brought to our door–they articulate the long-standing grievances we have with how our civil society has been structured and run in the last several decades.  And, they emphasize that the richest country in the world can afford to do better, can afford to do the things that they are talking about. The most boring among us have become the most rich and powerful and they have their boot on our neck. They want to establish an aristocracy so they can pass on their wealth to their offspring (no more inheritance taxes for one thing). The OWS movement is addressing issues that, economically, began in the 1970s, if not earlier. Let’s face it, at the moment, OWS is the only game in town;  after a little more than two months, the movement seems safely launched: it will surely oscillate a bit with the seasons, but one expects to see a process of growth and continued renewal and the “99 percent” is already a permanent member of our national lexicon. It’s a beautiful cutoff. The movement has already had detectable success in the November elections, particularly in Ohio. Patrick Bruner emphasized that by following Google Trends, the words used by the OWS movement have been sharply on the rise.

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In which country are people happier?

Posted on January 27th, 2011 in Culture,Economy,Education,Politics by Robert Miller

The Economist is highly respected for its news and analysis of the economy, but often strays away from its mainline, free-market theme in an attempt to create a more visible and sensitive image for the journal. In my opinion, these little side adventures don’t turn out too well because the magazine is always promoting an ideological point of view of a free market economy, which often shields them from getting at the essence of the story. They have written on things such as the evolution of the suit and the dangers of medieval warfare. These articles probably serve their readers well for one evening at the bar, and perhaps that is the intent. This unabashedly right wing, pro-free market economy magazine often has difficulty getting to the heart of a story because they have a hard time dealing with large concepts such as human needs, redistribution of the wealth, economic justice, social inequality and rarely do they admit that countries with more socialized democracies are doing better than we are here in America. I used to subscribe to the journal, a gift from a friend and when the one year gift subscription ran out, I re-subscribed for a couple of years, but gradually ran out of patience with the articles and the journal’s main emphasis.  Now I only read it when others write articles based on those in The Economist. Recently Eric Alterman, writing in American Progress (an excellent source of information by the way) writes about one of the articles which appeared in the traditional year-end, double issue of 2010.

The subject of the cover story article was “happiness.” By investigating recent research into happiness, they discovered that people generally become happier after age 46 than before. And, since the average age of people in the world is 47, the average person should be happy. They imagine that the concept of happiness is like the U-turn in the pipes underneath your kitchen sink–you go down for a while, then make a U-turn at 46 and start to feel better about life. This seems to occur no matter what your economic conditions is, so the obvious solution for addressing sadness is to wait until you turn 46 and everything should get better. So that seemed to be the emphasis of the article–if you’re unhappy, just wait, you will make the kitchen sink U-turn and things will get better. How reassuring. The article goes on to talk about other factors forming happiness, including neuroticism and extroversion, the polar ends of the happiness scale, with extroverts generally happier. And they mention other factors that include gender (women tend to suffer more from depression), external circumstances and, as mentioned previously, age. Education is one of the “external circumstances;” it makes people happier, but that may be because educated people are, on average, more wealthy.

But, putting aside age-related happiness, and focusing on one of the more obvious sources of happiness–that of money–is where we see The Economist begin to lose its bearings as it so often does when viewing topics through an ideological lens (as if the same factors worked in every culture–an unproven hypothesis). Europeans believe that growth-oriented, free-market economies got it all wrong–their system of social democracy is far superior and they have data to prove it. In fact, in America, we provide some of the data that helps make their case through our poverty rates and income inequality. Europeans often cite such data from America as evidence for strengthening their approach. Evidence that money is not the entire source of happiness also comes from data gathered by The Economist. Hong Kong and Denmark have similar income per person levels, but Hong Kong’s average life satisfaction score is 5.5 on a 10 point scale, while that of Denmark’s is 8, significantly higher. The Economist’s unwavering commitment to the free market economy makes it impossible for them to define why there is a difference in the life satisfaction scores, when the income level is about the same. Writer Eric Alterman has less difficulty in providing a more objective appraisal and suggests that the life satisfaction score of Denmark puts them ahead of Hong Kong because it’s a better place to live. If you have ever been to the two countries, you shouldn’t have any difficulty understanding Alterman’s conclusion.

In making comparisons between Hong Kong and Denmark, The Economist forgot to mention that there might be something in the way that public support is offered that helps create a more satisfied population in Denmark when compared to Hong Kong. Alterman points out that there is no mention in the article that Denmark spends nearly one-third of its gross domestic product on government-run benefits and taxes its citizens at an equivalently high rate. In recent years, the top bracket in Denmark is more than 60%, roughly about the place where we were before Ronald Reagan. With these revenues, the state pays nearly 5 percent of GDP on the unemployed and as much as 2 percent on “flexicurity,” or labor market programs to help retrain workers who have been displaced.  In contrast, the United States pays just 0.16 percent, which is, by quite a margin, the lowest level in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development or OECD (Western economies). As a result, the unemployment rate is much lower in Denmark than it is in the United States. Denmark’s “quality of life” index is higher than that of America, with advantages like universal health care, day care and an extremely low rate of poverty that’s not even 1/4 of what we have in the United States. They have learned how to build a country for all of its citizens, not just those at the top. In America, most of us live such that the very wealthy have in fact most of the country’s wealth.

Alterman states that “American journalists tend to treat inequality as a fact of life. But it needn’t be. In 2009, the average income of the top 5 percent rose. Everybody else’s fell, furthering a 40 year trend during which the share of total income going to the wealthiest 1 percent of Americans has risen from about 8 percent during the 1960s to more than 20 percent in 2011.”

“U.S. income inequality outpaces that of every other advanced industrial nation–never mind Denmark. That puts us in the same category with miserable places like Turkmenistan. Authors Jack Hacker and Paul Pierson point out that these changes have resulted from deliberate decision-making in congress, whose members’ elections are funded by the same wealthy folks enjoying all the benefits.”

“Since the late 1970s, they note, Congress has cut tax rates on the highest incomes over and over, together with capital gains and estate taxes. It has also made it more difficult for unions to organize and extract a fair share of the profit pie for workers. At the same time, Congress has loosened federal oversight and restrictions on banks and other financial players. It repealed the Glass-Steagall Act in 1999 to allow the creation of global megabanks like Citigroup and JP Morgan Chase that are “too big to fail” and hence too big to behave responsibly with their investors money.” In short, the Danish score well on this test for reasons that those writing in The Economist are unable to concede or describe. Their contentment comes from the fact that they live in a society where everyone has an education, opportunity and have pay for retraining, funded by government, should they lose their job.”

So in the meantime, we can’t even be honest about the kind of country that gets generated by the social democracies of Europe. Our news media, describes Europe as a bunch of countries that are on their last legs financially because of too many social programs. Yet these programs produce a country that has a far higher index of social success than we do and they tend of have export economies because the same people stay in their jobs for life and get better and better at what they make. In this country, people have multiple jobs before they are thirty and this mobility of our work force means that we don’t make very many things that other people want to buy. In the meantime, we can’t decide whether a country like China, which owns a large fraction of our debt, is an enemy or friendly competitor. If it’s the latter we had better fix a lot that’s broken about the social fabric of our country.

RFM

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The end of American scientific exceptionalism in particle physics: turning off Tevatron

Posted on January 20th, 2011 in Culture,Education,Politics,Science by Robert Miller

Sputnik I

The announcement that the Tevatron particle accelerator will be closed by the Department of Energy (DOE) in September of this year, prompted the following:
At the close of WWII, when American science had produced the first atomic weapon, it seemed as if we had an insurmountable and unchallenged lead in nuclear science and technology. But that lead quickly faded into an  armaments race, once the Soviets developed their own atomic device as the Cold War began in earnest. Two other prominent developments in America at that time included the dawn of nuclear energy, developed under the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) and basic science research into the structure of the atom, carried out largely within our research universities. Some of the latter had already begun when Robert Oppenheimer took a position at Berkeley and began to acquire scientific visibility in nuclear physics. Until that time, nuclear physics was an almost exclusively European enterprise. But after the war, nuclear physics rapidly acquired a new identity: Made in America. Some universities suddenly emerged as major science research institutions through the acquisition of a linear accelerator, like that developed at Stanford University in 1962. Within the American research university, the dominance of nuclear physics in the early days after the war, it the most visible scientific discipline on the American campus: in the 1950s it was common to judge the quality of an entire research university by knowing where its Physics department was nationally ranked. Though national laboratories continued to develop nuclear technology, largely expressed through improvements in military hardware, research university nuclear physics pursued the structure of the atom and a field known as “particle physics” emerged as physicists bombarded atoms with increasingly higher energy particles and watched for the appearance of subatomic particles released by the atomic scale collisions. It still challenges the imagination to realize that a single atom with its electrons flowing in orbit is mostly a vast empty space and once that is grasped,  then try to understand that, if this is true, why don’t we fall through the floor rather than being supported by it? The reason that we don’t fall through the floor is the same reason that splitting the atom unleashes enormous energy.

In the era of the physicist, it seemed like a permanent pecking order had been established in American research universities that would go on in perpetuity, with nuclear physics permanently installed as the head honcho: Federal funding guaranteed it. Of course, along the way, many nuclear physicists evolved into astrophysicists, but that is a different story. In a fairly dramatic way, the pecking order of science in America, with physics at the top,  began to change soon after the Russians launched Sputnik in 1957 (a month later the Russians launched Sputnik II).  This Russian achievement created such a shock during the Eisenhower administration such that there was a kind of mass hysteria to think that the Russians could beat us at anything–but they did.  Physicist Edward Teller, the patron saint of the hydrogen bomb, said, in response to Sputnik, that the United States had lost “a battle more important and greater than Pearl Harbor“ (you can recognize Teller’s attitude as that of someone with a personal investment in continuing with the arms race). In response to Sputnik, Eisenhower did what every self-respecting President does in a pinch–he turned to a committee charged with making recommendations and assessments on what to do. One of the major reports to come out of that period was the Seaborg report, which substantiated what many Americans had concluded already, that America had fallen behind the Russians in science and math education and a national consensus developed that not enough Americans had an opportunity to get their education at a major research university. The Seaborg report recommended a doubling of research universities in America. At the time of Sputnik,  based on the percentage of Ph.Ds generated in the prewar days (the basic university structure did not change significantly from the 1930s until Sputnik arrived), there were only sixteen research universities, most of which were in the Midwest or East Coast, with three on the West Coast; this “sweet sixteen” included (not ranked in order; * are public/state universities) (1) University of Minnesota*; 2) Stanford; 3) University of Chicago; 4) Columbia University; 5) University of Illinois*; 6) University of Michigan*; 7) University of California (Berkeley)*; 8) Harvard; 9) Penn; 10) Princeton; 11) Cornell; 12) Johns Hopkins; 13) Yale; 14) MIT; 15) California Institute technology; 16) University of Wisconsin*. Collectively, these institutions generated the majority of doctorates (PhDs) in the 1930s.

Our national response to Sputnik was probably the single most intelligent decision we made as a nation during the entire fifty years of the Cold War: we made a conscious decision to embellish research universities and establish new ones such that qualified students could experience a more sophisticated and challenging education and research environment, as we made it easier, through student loans, scholarships and fellowships, to get a college education and enroll in graduate school. Thus, we launched the Golden Age of the American Research University which lasted roughly from 1958 to 1968. As a result of this energetic new enterprise, we hired large numbers of faculty and began to develop more sophisticated funding agencies. Infrastructure support, such as improved laboratory space, training grants and support for scientific meetings all took their modern form during those days of accelerated support. Federal funding for research reached its highest % of GNP (0.25% in 1968) during that era.  Today, we have a very large number of research universities. A recent classification system by Carnegie defines a research university as one which has granted at least 50 doctorates in fifteen different disciplines each year. Yours is very likely among them. When Lyndon Johnson was President, he made sure, in the post-Sputnik era, that the Federal funding agencies funded much more broadly than they did initially and his watchdog insistence helped to diffuse Federal research dollars more broadly than that observed initially. Thus, Federal funding has penetrated its way into most higher education institutions and of course,  not just through NIH/NSF funding.

Now, you might have thought that accelerated funding for research, induced by the shock of Sputnik, would primarily benefit the mathematicians and physicists, since deficiencies in these areas were supposedly where the problem was. However, the end result of Sputnik was not to reinforce physics and math, though some of that took place, but the real impact was to shift the emphasis of scientific research away from physics into the biological sciences. The largest recipient of Federal research dollars increasingly went to the National Institutes of Health, not the National Science Foundation (which assumed more responsibility for funding the physical sciences, but was delayed in its creation due to an argument between Vannevar Bush and the Truman administration). There were two reasons for this seeming paradox: first and foremost was Mary Lasker, in honor of whom the Lasker prize is given each year–it is America’s most prestigious scientific award. Lasker (a graduate of the University of Wisconsin) was instrumental in convincing congress to fund health-related research and elected officials realized that they could finally return to their districts and tell their constituents that something was now being done about cancer and heart and lung disease. Legislators discovered that they  could get re-elected that way. People were far more interested in those issues than hearing whether or not we were winning the Cold War. These two forces–Mary Lasker and re-electability based on emphasizing health-related research–merged to create institutional funding that allowed the biological sciences to begin dominating institutional research, first in molecular biology and later in neuroscience. Today, if you want to rank a university on the basis of its scientific reputation, you are far more likely to pick an area of biological or medical sciences rather than physics.

Though things drifted away from physics as the epicenter of the American research university, American physicists still dominated the fields of astrophysics and particle physics and the opening of the Tevatron accelerator in Illinois (as part of the Fermilab) in 1983, ushered in a three-decade period of creative particle physics, progress and continued American dominance of the field. But the glow of American physics was shattered when Congress ceased to fund the supercollider that was then under construction in Texas in the early 1990s. That failure created a huge wave of unemployment among particle physicists in America, many of whom went to Wall Street and helped design the equations and mathematical models for investment houses that helped bring down the economy and usher in our current deep recession.  The lack of a new generation of particle accelerators in America, allowed the Europeans to proceed with their plans for one, without U.S. competition; they constructed the Large Hadron Collider outside Geneva at  CERN, the European Organization for Nuclear Research, which opened in 2010. If there exists a Higgs Boson, the particle that is hypothesized to give atomic particles much of their mass, then it will likely be discovered at the CERN accelerator, with Americans serving as participants, advisers and colleagues rather than leaders in the effort. That is why it is with a note of sadness that I personally view the Department of Energy’s decision to close the Tevatron accelerator: accompanying that announcement is the unannounced end of American exceptionalism in particle physics.

America still rules the biological sciences, but the eight years of Bush’s suppression of science and its harsh funding policies, particularly with regard to stem cell research, put American biological sciences on the same trajectory that American particle physics has undergone in the last few decades. Bush’s policies invited other countries to accelerate their own research activities and today we are no longer keeping the most talented scientists that come from other countries to study and obtain their PhD in the United States. I have seen our offers to them go unheeded as they go to South Korea, Europe or back to China. The tide of science has shifted, primarily because Americans are too naive to understand the importance of science in an industrialized society. It’s as if we have retreated back to the 1930s–like de javu all over again!  This recession, when it’s over, may be the single most devastating event to American science in its all too brief history.
RFM

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